Charles Darwin Page 4

  In respect of Christ’s ‘associates’, Paley declared

  From the clear and acknowledged parts of the case, I think it to be likewise in the highest degree probable, that the story, for which these persons voluntarily exposed themselves to the fatigues and hardships which they endured, was a miraculous story …6

  Here, Paley appears to be arguing that because the authors of the gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, had taken risks and endured hardships, this made it highly likely that their accounts were true. In respect of the miracles themselves, he declares

  We have this detail from the fountainhead, from the persons themselves; in accounts written by eye-witnesses at the scene, by contemporaries and companions of those who were so; not in one book but four [i.e. the gospels] each containing enough for the verification of the religion, all agreeing in the fundamental parts of the history.7

  ‘In viewing the detail of miracles recorded in these books, we find every supposition negative, by which they can be resolved into fraud or delusion.’ Each account was ‘contemporary, it was published upon the spot’.8

  As for the gospels themselves, said Paley

  No stronger evidence of the truth of a history can arise from the situation of the historian than what is here offered. The authors of all the histories lived at the time and upon the spot.9

  In other words, the accounts provided by the gospel writers were based on first-hand experience, and, in Paley’s words, the fact that the ‘different narratives’ of the gospels varied from one another, was evidence, such ‘as to repel all suspicion of confederacy [i.e. collusion between these writers] …’.10

  The truth is that despite centuries of research by Christian scholars, it has proved impossible to date the lives of the gospel writers. Furthermore, best estimates give the dates for the gospels as follows: St Matthew, sometime between AD50–75; St Mark, AD late 30s-75; St Luke, AD60–90, and St John, AD50–85. As Christ is alleged to have died circa AD30–36, it appears that despite Paley’s assertion, none of the gospels were written during Christ’s lifetime. (And, as far as is known, none of the Gospel writers ever claimed that this was the case.)

  Paley proceeds to quote from a host of ‘learned scholars’ from all over the western world, who lived in the succeeding centuries (notably the fourth), and who have affirmed the authenticity of the Christian gospels.11 For example, he quotes Chrysostom ‘who lived near the year 400’ and who declared, ‘The general reception of the Gospels is a proof that their history is true and consistent’.12

  However, Paley does admit that some doubted not only the authority of the gospels, but also their authorship; whilst others accused the early Christians of altering the text. Such people, who include the Valentinians and the Carpocratians, are dismissed by Paley as being ‘heretics’.13

  The gospel writers and other contemporary witnesses, said Paley

  could not be deceivers. By not only bearing testimony, they might have avoided all their sufferings, and have lived quietly. Would men in such circumstances pretend to have seen what they never saw; assert facts which they had no knowledge of; go about lying …14

  Paley’s stance is only what was to be expected from one who held the post of Archdeacon of Carlisle. The question is, despite the rhetoric – defined as the art of effective or persuasive speaking or writing15 – of Locke and Paley, would Darwin continue to accept Christianity as being an authentic, evidence-based religion?

  NOTES

  1. Locke, John, An Essay concerning Human Understanding, Book IV, Chapter X.

  2. Paley, William, A View of the Evidences of Christianity, p.vi.

  3. Ibid, p.1.

  4. Ibid, p.2.

  5. Ibid, p.81.

  6. Ibid, p.101.

  7. Ibid, p.399.

  8. Ibid, pp.403–4.

  9. Ibid, pp. 134–5.

  10. Ibid, p.400.

  11. Ibid, p.249.

  12. Ibid, pp.264–5.

  13. Ibid, p.257.

  14. Ibid, p.258.

  15. Oxford Dictionaries Online.

  Chapter 7

  A Proposition

  Before any thoughts of becoming a clergyman could be entertained, Darwin received, on 21 August 1831, a letter from Henslow which would change his life. It read as follows:

  I shall hope to see you shortly fully expecting that you will eagerly catch at the offer which is likely to be made you of a trip to Terra del Fuego & home by the East Indies – I have been asked by Peacock [George Peacock, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge and lecturer in mathematics] … to recommend [to] him a naturalist as companion to Capt [Robert] FitzRoy employed by the Government to survey the S. extremity of America – I have stated that I consider you to be the best qualified person I know of who is likely to undertake such a situation – I state this not on the supposition of yr being a finished Naturalist, but as amply qualified for collecting, observing, & noting any thing worthy to be noted in Natural History. The voyage is to last 2 yrs …1

  Two days later Peacock himself wrote to Darwin to inform him that

  The expedition is entirely for scientific purposes & the ship will generally wait your leisure for researches in natural history &c … . The Admiralty are not disposed to give a salary, though they will furnish you with an official appointment … .

  In the event Darwin’s ‘appointment’ was not made official, so having accepted Peacock’s offer, he gave himself the unofficial title ‘Naturalist to the Beagle’ (a reference to HMS Beagle, the vessel in question), or alternatively, ‘Naturalist to the Expedition’.2

  Darwin’s father Robert, however, was initially opposed to the idea, as the following letter from him to his (Robert’s) brother-in-law Josiah Wedgwood (II), indicates. He begins the letter by expressing satisfaction that Wedgwood, who was evidently a patient of Robert’s medical practice, has benefited from the ‘turpentine pills’ which he has recently prescribed for the former’s ‘bowel’ [i.e. intestinal] disorder. He then proceeds to discuss with Wedgwood his son Charles’s proposed ‘voyage of discovery’.

  I strongly object to it [on var]ious grounds, but I will not detail my reasons [in order] that he may have your unbiased opinion on the subject, & if you think differently from me I shall wish him to follow your advice.3

  On 31 August 1831 Darwin wrote to his father saying,

  I am afraid that I am going to make you again very uncomfortable. But upon consideration, I think you will excuse me once again stating my opinions on the offer of the Voyage. My excuse & reason is… the different way all the Wedgwoods view the subject from what you & my sisters do.

  However, if the answer was still ‘No’, then, said Darwin

  I should be most ungrateful if I did not implicitly yield to your better judgement & to the kindest indulgence which you have shown me all through my life.4

  On that same day Josiah Wedgwood himself wrote to Robert Darwin to say

  as you have desired Charles to consult me I cannot refuse to give the result of such consideration as I have been able to give it. Charles has put down what he conceives to be your principal objections & I think the best course I can take will be to state what occurs to me upon each of them.

  There were, in fact, eight objections (which Darwin had previously laid before Josiah Wedgwood): the most important of which were that the expedition would be

  (1) Disreputable to my [son Charles’s] character as a Clergyman hereafter.

  (8) That it would be a useless undertaking.

  To these points, Wedgwood’s response was as follows

  1 – I should not think that it would be in any degree disreputable to his character as a clergyman. I should on the contrary think the offer honourable to him, and the pursuit of Natural History, though certainly not professional [i.e. not one of the three learned professions – theology, law or medicine], is very suitable to a Clergyman.

  8 – The undertaking would be useless as regards his [intended] profession [of clergyman, Wedgwood conceded] but lookin
g upon him as a man of enlarged curiosity, it affords him such an opportunity of seeing men and things as happens to few.5

  Finally, on 1 September 1831, Robert Darwin relented, and in a letter to Josiah Wedgwood, declared

  Charles has stated my objections quite fairly & fully [i.e. to Wedgwood] – if he still continues in the same mind after further enquiry, I will give him all the assistance in my power. Many thanks for your kindness – yours [affectionately] R W Darwin

  On that same day, Darwin wrote to Francis Beaufort, Hydrographer of the Navy, to say that his father Robert, had ‘given his consent & therefore if the appointment is not already filled up, I should be very happy to have the honour of accepting it’.6

  From London, Darwin wrote to his sister Susan four days later to say that he had met Captain FitzRoy and

  it is no use attempting to praise him as much as I feel inclined to do, for you would not believe me. One thing I am certain of nothing could be more open & kind than he was to me.7

  HMS Beagle was a Cherokee-class, brig-sloop built for the Royal Navy and launched on 11 May 1820. However, she was to spend her working life employed at Woolwich Dockyard as a survey barque. The first expedition (May 1826 to October 1830) upon which Beagle embarked was to Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, in order to make a hydrographic survey of the region. In the latter stages of this expedition Flag Lieutenant Robert FitzRoy was made temporary captain of the ship. In her second expedition (December 1831 to October 1836) – the aim of which was to complete the survey of the South American coast – FitzRoy was appointed Beagle’s Commander and Surveyor.

  In that same letter to Susan, Darwin describes HMS Beagle as having a complement of ‘60 men [and] 5 or 6 officers &c’.8 (The ship was, in fact, ninety feet in length and 242 tons burthen – i.e. tonnage.)

  On 6 September he wrote to Susan again, telling her to request Edward (unidentified, but presumably a member of his father’s household staff) ‘to send me up in my carpet bag, my slippers, a pair of lightish walking shoes. My Spanish books [presumably relating to Spanish influence in South American]: my new microscope … [and] my geological compass’, together with a volume on the subject of taxidermy.9

  Darwin tells Susan three days later, that the previous day, 8 September, he had been to see the procession for the coronation of King William IV (who had acceded to the throne in the previous year, and would reign until 1837).10

  On the 14th Darwin informed Susan that:

  The vessel is a very small one; three-masted; & carrying 10 guns: but every body says it is the best sort for our work, & of its class it is an excellent vessel: new, but well tried, & ½ again [i.e. 50 per cent greater than] the usual strength. [However] The want of room is very bad but we must make the best of it.11

  Darwin told Caroline on 12 November

  Everything here is most prosperous; the Beagle now looks something like a ship They have just painted her and in a weeks time the men will live on board. No Vessel has ever been fitted at all on so expensive a scale from Plymouth …12

  In his autobiography, Darwin gave further details of how Josiah Wedgwood had persuaded his father Robert, to change his mind about the Beagle voyage. The long-suffering Robert, showing considerable forbearance towards his son, had told him, ‘If you can find any man of common-sense who advises you to go I would give my consent.’ Darwin also records that ‘My father always maintained’ that Josiah Wedgwood ‘was one of the most sensible men in the world ….’ What more natural, therefore, that Darwin should seek his uncle’s advice on the subject, knowing that if Josiah approved, the battle was won? Darwin senior had been ‘hoist with his own petard’!

  NOTES

  1. J. S. Henslow to Darwin, 24 August 1831, Cor.1, pp.128–9.

  2. George Peacock to Darwin, C. 26 August 1831, Cor.1, p.130.

  3. R. W. Darwin to Josiah Wedgwood II, 30 August 1831, Cor.1, p.132.

  4. Darwin to R. W. Darwin, 31 August 1831, Cor.1, pp.132–3.

  5. Josiah Wedgwood II to R.W. Darwin, 31 August 1831, Cor.1, pp.133–4.

  6. Darwin to Francis Beaufort, 1 September 1831, Cor.1, p.135.

  7. Darwin to Susan Darwin [5 September 1831], Cor.1, p.140.

  8. Darwin to Susan Darwin, 5 September 1831, Cor.1, pp.140–1.

  9. Darwin to Susan Darwin, 6 September 1831, Cor.1, p.143.

  10. Darwin to Susan Darwin, 9 September 1831, Cor.1, p.147.

  11. Darwin to Susan, 14 September 1831, Cor.1, p. 155.

  12. Darwin to Caroline Darwin, 12 November 1831, Cor.1, p.178.

  Chapter 8

  The Voyage of HMS Beagle

  HMS Beagle finally sailed from Plymouth on 27 December 1831. During her voyage Darwin would see life on Earth in all its astonishing diversity and participate in what was, arguably, to be the greatest and most fruitful scientific voyage to date in the history of the world. Said he

  The object of the expedition was to complete the survey of Patagonia [a region stretching northwards from Tierra del Fuego for 1,000 miles, and since 1881 divided between Argentina and Chile] and Tierra del Fuego [an archipelago off the southernmost tip of South America] – commenced under Captain [Philip Parker] King in 1826 and ending in 1830, to survey the shores of Chile, Peru, and some islands in the Pacific, and to carry a chain [sequence] of chronometrical measurements round the world.1

  In the poop cabin, where Darwin worked and slept in his hammock, was a library which contained in excess of a hundred volumes.2 For him, favourite authors included French palaeontologist Alcide d’Orbigny, and German naturalists and travellers Alexander von Humboldt and Christian Ehrenberg. Having thus learned about the natural history of various countries of the world – even though he had not visited them – this would enable him to compare their flora, fauna, geology, etc., with that of South America.

  My education in fact began on board the Beagle. I remember nothing previously which deserved to be called education except some experimental work at chemistry when a school-boy with my Brother [Erasmus Alvey Darwin].3

  On his previous Beagle expedition (1826 to 1830), Captain FitzRoy had brought four indigenous natives from Patagonia back to England, with the object of educating them at his own expense. One, nicknamed ‘Boat Memory’, had died of smallpox soon after their arrival. However the other three: ‘York Minster’, James (‘Jemmy’) Button, and ‘Fuegia Basket’ (a female), were currently aboard Beagle and awaiting repatriation.4

  An account of the voyage is to be found in Darwin’s Journal and Remarks – otherwise known as The Voyage of the Beagle – published in 1839.

  16 January 1832. … we anchored at Porto Praya, in St Jago, the chief island of the Cape de Verd archipelago [Atlantic islands of Cape Verde] … the geology of this island is the most interesting part of its natural history.5

  On 10 February, Darwin wrote to his father, Robert, to say

  What may appear quite paradoxical to you, is that I literally find a ship (when I am not sick) nearly as comfortable as a house. It is an excellent place for working & reading, & already I look forward to going to sea, as a place of rest, in short my home.6

  However, he had spoken too soon, for in February/March, from Salvador (Salvador de Bahia), Brazil, he wrote to his father again, to confess that ‘the misery I endured from sea-sickness’ as the ship passed through the Bay of Biscay was ‘far far beyond what I ever guessed at’.7

  Captain FitzRoy was a person of considerable ability, who, following the present expedition, would be awarded the Royal Geographical Society’s gold medal. In later years, he would serve as a Member of Parliament and Meteorological Statist to the Board of Trade. In the latter capacity, and as the inventor of various types of barometer, he insisted that such instruments were installed at all ports, in order a), that they could be consulted by captains prior to setting out to sea and b), that such data could be relayed back to himself, for analysis. It was FitzRoy who coined the phrase ‘forecasting the weather’ – hence the term ‘weather forecast’.

  Fit
zRoy was also to write a Narrative of the present voyage, in which he declared

  Undoubtedly the worst wind, next to a hurricane, which a vessel can encounter, is a violent ‘white squall,’ so called because it is accompanied by no cloud or peculiar appearance in the sky, and because of its tearing up the surface of the sea, and sweeping it along so as to make a wide sheet of foam.

  Such squalls gave no warning of their approach

  but by consulting a good barometer or sympiesometer [lightweight barometer], and frequently watching the surface of the sea itself, even a white squall may be guarded against in sufficient time.8

  Meanwhile, Darwin’s relationship with the captain of HMS Beagle was not always a happy one.

  We had several quarrels; for instance, early in the voyage at Bahia, in Brazil, he defended and praised slavery, which I abominated …9

  Darwin had shown himself to be a person of unswerving principle, who was not afraid to speak his mind even if this meant, in this case, offending his captain, who had it in his power to make life exceeding difficult for the young naturalist, had he chosen to do so.

  HMS Beagle arrived at San Salvador in north-eastern Brazil on 29 February. Here, Darwin declared

  The day has passed delightfully. Delight itself, however, is a weak term to express the feelings of a naturalist who, for the first time has wandered by himself in a Brazilian forest.10

  During the period 4 April to 5 July, Beagle was engaged in an oceanic survey of the Brazilian coast in the vicinity of Rio de Janeiro. However, in his narrative of the voyage,11 Captain FitzRoy indicates that the mission was not without its tragedy.